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Fellow Posts

Breaking Echo Chambers

November 8, 2021 by Prithvi Rai Leave a Comment

 

By Prithvi Rai, DCI Fellow

When the tech industry was witnessing the dawn of the Information Age, it would have seemed highly unlikely that they would know the extent to which the internet would come to dominate the human experience. The early days of the internet promised a mind-expanding utopia, where we could freely exchange new ideas and contemplate other points of view. However, even in those days of heady optimism, there were already a few academics who worried that this vision pivoted on too high-minded a picture of human nature. In 1996, MIT researchers Marshall Van Alstyne and Erik Brynjolfsson warned of a potential dark side to our newly interconnected world. They believed that when it came to the spread of information over a virtual platform such as the internet, individuals may form echo chambers and insulate themselves from opposing points of view.

Democracy only functions when its members believe that they have a shared stake in the collective wellbeing. The unfortunate reality today is that the democratic process globally has become deeply broken, with many members of society choosing to disengage with those who do not agree with them. Individuals across the socio-political spectrum are waging what feels like a cold war, characterized by a complete misunderstanding of each other’s ideologies and a lack of meaningful deliberation.

A decreasing attention span is an example of the internet’s paradoxical effects on our lives. We are exposed to a large amount of information on a daily basis, which causes us to not get into the depth of the information that we are consuming. Rather than exploring viable new outcomes and perspectives, we tend to seek out those that already align with our views. During my gap year before coming to Davidson, I interned at the Times of India group, South Asia’s largest media conglomerate. My exposure during that time made it clear that media outlets very evidently cater to their target audience to garner revenues. Social media networks work in a somewhat similar fashion – primarily showing us what they predict will keep us happy, sending us into a spiral where we tend to believe that our view is the predominant one.

The human tendency towards confirmation bias is not a new concept, but its acceleration due to social media has been remarkably prominent. The ease of access that social media provides has also enabled a plethora of different echo chambers to exist – one for almost every aspect of life. Whether you are pro-Lewis Hamilton’s claim to a Formula-One podium or oppose arguments against climate change rooted in religion, a social media group or chat probably exists to engage with it. The combined effect of a shrinking attention economy and the ease of accessibility these social media outlets provide allow divisions between echo chambers to run deep, creating communities that reinforce disengaged feedback loops.

The set of negative externalities associated with social media particularly affects its predominant users – Gen-Z and Millennials. According to Pew Research, an estimated 61% of Millennials garner news primarily through social media. But in the process, we tend to dilute the quality of content we consume, triggering algorithms that curate our feeds. These algorithms cherry-pick claims and ideas with which we are likely to agree and jettison information that does not appear to fit our preferences – often at the cost of accuracy and balance.

Critics of the internet believe that the ease of engagement that virtual social media outlets provide is an important factor in the creation of polarized echo chambers. As opposed to traditional forms of engagement that would have possibly required travel and additional in-person efforts, engagement on social media simply requires a few seconds of typing. During the course of one of my deliberations with the DCI, a deliberator mentioned that while they felt strongly about a certain issue, they just did not feel motivated enough to want to engage with another perspective. They credited this to the fact that everywhere they looked on their social media, they found perspectives that agreed with them – and hence assumed they were right. The convenience associated with social media is perhaps one of its greatest assets. Unfortunately, however, it has made us indolent, and averse to engaging with alternative perspectives.

Cancel culture has been a defining element of the rise of social media and the subsequent emergence of echo chambers. Molly Crockett, a leading psychologist at Yale, provides a viable proposition for why this outrage-filled ecosystem on social media has come to exist. She believes that social media creates an outrage feedback loop that becomes addictive, allowing individuals to express their opinions, which are often motivated by anger and criticism, with just the click of a button. Given that our social media profiles are primarily composed of those who agree with us, we’re often rewarded with likes, comments, and shares. It almost appears that non – participation in ‘hyping up’ a friend with a similar stance on an issue is equivalent to having a contradictory opinion. This social feedback loop reinforces our habit of expressing outrage more frequently and more readily.

In this outrage-filled media ecosystem, it’s no surprise that “calling people out” has become commonplace. While calling people out is often used to advance important social causes and promote justice for victims, it is not always as effective as those perpetrating it might believe. Crockett’s research establishes that many feel like they are pioneering change in a person by engaging in cancel culture. However, she finds that shaming them often makes these people even more hostile, resulting in further negative repercussions. Cancel culture as a concept is fundamentally contradictory to deliberation and in some cases is even driven by personal vendettas.

If we assume Crockett’s conclusions to be logical, then a viable alternative to this problem would be to increase productive, consensus-oriented deliberation. By engaging with perspectives of those whom we disagree, we might get a clearer understanding of what motivated their opinion. Even when we may still consider their perspective to be ‘wrong,’ when viewed from the lens of societal and moral standards, a deliberation-based approach, as opposed to one rooted in cancel culture, would be more productive in bringing about positive discourse. Cancel culture is rooted in a complete negation of opinions that we disagree with and barely ever yields a productive outcome. By approaching our interaction with others seeking to engage rather than just converse, we can understand each other’s perspectives better.

The DCI at Davidson College seeks to promote such deliberation with a unique multifaceted approach rooted in acknowledging humane instincts. Unlike traditional forms of engagement on important societal issues that consist of conversations where the participants are primarily concerned with establishing the validity of their argument, the DCI’s deliberative approach focuses on engaging to develop our existing outlooks rather than defeat those we disagree with.

The goal in any discussion, specifically when it concerns issues of socio-political and economic polarization, should be to keep an open mind. By doing so, we do not cloud our judgement, and this helps us gather a more informed perspective rooted in empathy. The DCI provides us with an avenue to do this, which is what makes it such a distinct and powerful initiative, in my opinion.

While the DCI is presently a new and limited initiative at the college level, I believe that the form of deliberation we engage in can set a productive precedent going forward. My aspiration is that the model it is based on is adopted further in matters of public discourse.

Filed Under: Blog Posts, Fellow Posts

Humility

October 28, 2021 by Kevin Chen Leave a Comment

By Kevin Chen, DCI Fellow

Confucius, a Chinese philosopher, once said, “Humility is the solid foundation of all virtues,” a sentiment reaffirmed by Saint Augustine, a philosopher and a theologian, who said, “Humility is the foundation of all the other virtues hence, in the soul in which this virtue does not exist there cannot be any other virtue except in mere appearance.”¹ Often, humility is incorrectly conflated with low self esteem or self denigration. However, in the Deliberation Citizenship Initiative (DCI), humility is one of the deliberative dispositions, a quality of character or state of mind and readiness. The DCI defines humility as the tendency to “appreciate one’s own cognitive and experiential limitations, embrace the possibility one might be wrong, and recognize the intellectual contributions of others.”² Thus, I would like to argue that humility is intrinsic to and inseparable from deliberation. Not only is humility the most important deliberative disposition, but it is also the most difficult to practice.

To demonstrate my point, I would like to begin with an example. In 2018, the short auditory illusion “Yanny or Laurel” became an internet sensation.³ There was a clear division among individuals who heard “Yanny” and those who heard “Laurel.”However, “Yanny or Laurel” is an example of an ambiguous stimulus where both phrases exist and open conclusions could be drawn. Scientists supported this claim through an auditory experiment. When the audio clip was adjusted to make lower frequencies more pronounced, “Laurel” could be heard, and when the audio was adjusted to make higher frequencies more pronounced, “Yanny” could be heard.⁴ While the short auditory illusion is nowhere near comparable in magnitude and life-altering effects of societal issues today, the public response to the short auditory illusion reflects two apparent aspects of the discourse in our society today: first, it reveals our tendency to fall into confirmation bias and all that it entails; second, our inability to look deeply into the root of the differences in perspectives.

Firstly, confirmation bias and the lack of awareness of this bias results in an intent to create and win a zero-sum game in an argument, and this tendency reflects a lack of intellectual humility. Intellectual humility refers to the recognition that one’s beliefs may be fallible or wrong. In the case of “Yanny or Laurel,” people on either side spoke with absolute confidence such that groups formed to confirm individually-held perspectives. However, while the original clip is attempting to speak the word “Laurel,” both sides are wrong and each contains a fragment of the truth. The truth is that the original clip is an ambiguous stimulus with low and high frequencies, which confuses and requires our brains to make the best interpretation of the stimulus.

On a similar note, much of the argument nowadays offers no space for nuanced perspectives. All of us are capable of snap judgments and going on the defensive when challenged or threatened. After all, heuristics and the “fight-or-flight” response are inborn human psychological processes necessary for survival. Furthermore, the deep political and social divide forces us into groups where we are subject to group polarization (the tendency to develop more radical/polarized perspectives than the original individually held perspectives) and groupthink (the tendency to reach a consensus without critical reasoning and evaluation). If we are to think of our survival as a democracy and rectify our polarized culture, we need to especially do so through deliberation — the process by which we engage with and weigh various perspectives well to make a thoughtful and reasoned evaluation or decision.

However, this process of deliberation can only begin when we practice intellectual humility because humility is an internal evaluation and external action. Intellectual humility, as a subset of humility, compels us to be slow to anger and reflect upon our support for our perspectives, and in doing so, develop a curiosity and courage within us to explore other perspectives that also hold some grain of truth. This leads us to the other aspect of our democracy that is in critical danger,  .

My second point, which is revealed in the “Yanny or Laurel” phenomenon, is our inability to look deeply into the root of the differences in perspectives. This results in the dehumanization of the “other” when we resort to an attack on character rather than an analysis of perspective, which is an indication of the lack of humility. To illustrate my point, we can look at the “Yanny or Laurel” case example. Some people were so overconfident in their position on “Yanny or Laurel” that they, often jokingly, accused the other group of being absurd. While these comments may be “jokes” and not substantially impact the individual, our lived world unveils countless examples of where individuals and groups of people are reduced to name-calling during arguments. Thus, in the entire process of argumentation, but especially in deliberation, humility must be cultivated and practiced. Humus, which means earth or ground, is the root word for humility, which is also the root word for humanity.⁵ By that extension, when we practice humility, we enter into a space where we regard each other on equal ground. We share the belief that no one is superior or inferior to the other, and we recognize the dignity and worth of each other. Most importantly, when we are in a space that values humility during deliberation, humility compels us to be compassionate in how we speak and act, to show grace by assuming the best intent in others, to disagree tactfully, and to empathize deeply with the experiences and background that shape an individual’s perspective.

To summarize, it is through humility that we can cultivate patience, curiosity, courage, compassion, charity, and other virtues and deliberative dispositions. Furthermore, no doubt humility is difficult, as humility is a life-long practice of reflection and evaluation of oneself critically and accurately in the context of one’s relationships with other people. I hope that DCI provides a space to practice and cultivate humility for everyone, including myself — a humility that recognizes one’s abilities and worth such that one is confident in presenting their perspectives, and a humility that values and appreciates the abilities and worth of others such that one is curious and motivated to understand more deeply.

 

References

  1. https://www.xavier.edu/jesuitresource/online-resources/quote-archive1/humility-quotes
  2. https://deliberativecitizenship.org/deliberative-dispositions/
  3. https://youtu.be/DdvN4WqJh6g
  4. https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2018/05/16/upshot/audio-clip-yanny-laurel-debate.html
  5. https://etymologeek.com/eng/humility

Filed Under: Blog Posts, Fellow Posts

Why Egalitarianism in Deliberation Is Essential

September 28, 2021 by Kevin Garcia-Galindo Leave a Comment

Photo of Equality Stamp

By Kevin Garcia-Galindo, DCI Fellow

British Philosopher Isaiah Berlin once stated that “equality does not need any justification but only inequality does.” I bring this up because it highlights the universality of the idea of egalitarianism as the view of equality being good on its own behalf or virtuous in comparison to the demerits of inequality. This idea is interesting because egalitarianism is rarely something we stress about in public life, let alone our private lives where we often make judgements about other people’s abilities and worth quotidian.

Training to become a DCI deliberation facilitator has taught me many things, including the worth and impact egalitarianism has on deliberation. Learning that egalitarianism is an essential part of deliberation really got me thinking about why exactly is it not used more often in other scenarios like national politics or workplace meetings where a more equal playing field of ideas could aid problem solving and creativity among teams? The simple answer is that egalitarianism is a difficult idea to implement, especially into historically hierarchical systems of work and problem solving.

The truth is that egalitarianism has its place and time, especially in those situations where speed of deliberation is not a priority. It is often disadvantageous in situations where rank, experience, and expertise clearly outrank everything else, e.g., you clearly would never deliberate in an egalitarian fashion with your plumber how to fix the sink if you have never even touched the tubing under your sink.

Egalitarianism is, however, despite its limitations, still considered an essential part of deliberation, mainly because if defined and implemented correctly it can make all the difference in not only coming to an adequate action plan after deliberation, but also making sure that participants feel as though their opinions matter in reaching that conclusion.

Egalitarianism is a complicated term because of the many different conceptions of equality one can have that are tied to justice, wealth, or capabilities, among other things. When I use the term egalitarianism, I use it in its most basic and commonly understood Western European and Anglo-American definition of the word signifying that all human beings are endowed with a specified number of natural rights and, especially in the Christian notion, a natural equal value and worth. One does not need to go this far in depth about the significant weight and meaning of the word egalitarianism, but I only do it as an attempt to dispel the word of any of the connotational deviations that it has gained over the years from being associated with different groups and ideologies.

In the divided deliberative landscape of today, egalitarianism has two distinct connotations, one associated with an extreme aversion to expert opinion and the other characterized by the raising of marginalized voices. This is partly the reason why trying to enforce egalitarianism in our own private and public lives is so hard to do and why most people simply ignore it.

A middle ground needs to be sought between valuing expert opinions and helping raise historically marginalized voices. This is an incredibly difficult task due to the very nature of human communication and interaction. Think of the Dunning-Kruger effect as described in psychology, which outlines the way many of us have distorted views of own capabilities and experiences, especially when we are just beginning to understand a concept. Often, those who know the least will rank themselves the most knowledgeable while those who know the most will underscore their capabilities. In other words, it’s very possible that if you don’t know a lot, you will know even less about all the things you don’t know. The inverse being that if you’re an expert, you will also be an expert at critiquing your own knowledge.

Furthermore, take for example social comparison theory, which suggests that the reason why we are constantly comparing ourselves to others is due to how our egos are always in search of our next boost and how as humans we are simply unable to live outside of hierarchical spaces.

Psychology has a lot to say about how we measure our capabilities and success against our peers, specifically how, under perfect conditions, social comparison can help us know the extent of our own abilities and how in imperfect conditions, it can serve as a vector for low self-esteem.

So, how does this relate to deliberation? It relates because very rarely will there be any discussion worth deliberating upon without the aid of expert thinkers who have studied a particular subject or stakeholders who have been affected by that same subject. Using an egalitarian outlook on deliberation means recognizing the different kinds of expertise that a multitude of people can offer, and maybe also how inexperience within a certain subject can also be a positive.

To set a picture in your mind, consider a deliberation on the future of public education with three main participants: an academic research fellow of a libertarian think tank who has studied public, charter, and private education differences for decades, a father who has recently transferred his son into homeschooling to exercise greater control over what he learns, and you. In this situation, you are most likely the deliberator with the least expertise, but why is that not a problem?

Because expertise in a certain subject is often tied to a certain bias or common expert opinion. These experts have clearly already landed on a side of the debate already and will most likely want to regurgitate many of the common talking points of their position pushing for greater school choice and competition within the educational system. This could be a valuable experience for someone like you, who might not be well versed in these sorts of arguments, but it might also push these experts to be a lot more conscientious about how their views and opinions are appraised by the common person. After all, are you not more representative of the average stakeholder view than anyone else on this board? Is the purpose of deliberation really a space we want dominated by a few elite experts? Is a government ruled by elites, or as Plato described in the Republic, “philosopher kings,” not called an “aristocracy”?

Another common response to this scenario might be to say, “why not have experts of varying opinions work together in deliberation?” My response is that if that were a solution, then simply having two “philosopher kings” could make an aristocracy work. Two experts of different opinions do not produce better discussion most of the time; rather, they simply may produce more discussion, often with less to show for it. Nowhere are fewer concessions given than during a deliberation between two strong willed experts who do not want to give any ground. Experts have more to lose than we normally recognize in these sorts of situations. Would not a more centered and openminded person be more able to offer more creative or distinct opinions than experts who already have their answer set in stone? Furthermore, somewhat counterintuitively, would a less knowledgeable person not be better equipped to be skeptical (as opposed to argumentative) or at least encourage the expert to elaborate on his ideas more precisely?

As I said earlier, under perfect conditions, egalitarianism can breed an aura where everyone feels like they are contributing to the deliberation. Sometimes it is essential to advocate for the importance of those who know less about the issue at hand because it can be so hard to make them feel adequate in such important discussions for the reasons I outlined earlier. Egalitarianism is something that needs to be built upon and refined over time by making sure that neither the experts nor the less knowledgeable deliberators gain too much control of the deliberation. After all, while we want to hear their perspectives, no one wants to be berated by biased experts or overwhelmed by unorganized opinions and ideas by people who don’t know much about the issue.

Part of my mission this year as a DCI Fellow will be to use egalitarianism within the deliberations I facilitate in the same way I have outlined across this paper. Part of that effort will be me emphasizing respect for different perspectives and levels of expertise. But other times it may be preventing the experts from taking too much control of the conversation or affirming those who feel that they have nothing to add that their opinion is valuable and imperative. Pointing out how valuable opinions from all levels of expertise are might just be what defines how people come and leave feeling about the deliberations I lead.

Deliberation should be democratic and egalitarian in nature because if it ever becomes a discussion of only the views of a special few, then it ceases to be a method for producing democratic and intersectional solutions and one simply for self-praise and banter.

 

Filed Under: Blog Posts, Fellow Posts

Listening to Validate: A Small but Critical Facilitation Move

August 3, 2021 by Steve Kaliski Leave a Comment

listeningBy Steve Kaliski, DCI Fellow

Teachers probably recognize the moment: you’re leading class discussion on a particularly ripe or personal topic. You’ve asked your students to abide by some system of mutual respect as they tiptoe into sharing vulnerable, fraught insight. Now, the floor is open, and one by one, the group is starting to participate. You must guide the ensemble from one speaker to the next, inserting yourself where necessary but basically staying out of the way. You’re here to listen. 

The topic itself has your heart racing a bit, too. How will you bookend the conversation with commentary that exudes expertise yet humility? How will you make sure you don’t slip up and say the wrong thing? Who raised their hand first? Do you have enough time to go over the next assignment in the last five minutes of class? Do you have scallions for the stir fry tonight? Do you need to swing by Teeter after work? Do the Hornets still have a shot at the sixth seed?

Disparate thoughts race around, and you give yourself permission to chase these thoughts because, after all, this conversation is not about you. You’re just here to listen.

But then the tricky moment happens. A student finishes a comment, and you snap out of your thought spiral to sense that this comment packed a particular punch. You need to validate it somehow. This student needs to feel appreciated. But as you were off wondering about whether tomorrow’s reading was behind a paywall or not, you forgot to do the one thing you were here to do. You forgot to listen.

So how do you respond? Let’s say Jessica just spoke.

JESSICA: …and yeah, that’s pretty much why my family is passionate about this.

(pause)

YOU: Thanks, Jessica. Anyone want to go next?

This might seem like a perfectly fine response for a discussion facilitator, and oftentimes, it works well enough, or at least it does no harm. However, as I’ve learned during my time facilitating D Teams this year, in moments of “daring sharing,” your participants need a bit more from you than “thanks, next.” And if your attention has wandered under the false assumption that listening is inherently passive and thus less work (it happens to all of us!), you might need to close the excess tabs in your brain and really focus on the people in the room with you.

What would be a good response here, one that’s validating but does not center you over your conversation participants (in this context, they are your students, but they might also be your staff, your family, or your team)? The key is to make sure your speaker feels heard. This is especially vital on Zoom, where the normal approving signals of body language are difficult to perceive.

But it’s hard to make someone feel heard while you as the facilitator want to remain de-centered.

I try to listen for the “one thing” that I can repeat or rephrase back to the speaker as a signal of my connection to their words. If Jessica spoke at length about her family’s involvement in the topic, and at some point she mentioned a “love of the outdoors” as a major part of that, the dialogue might now be:

JESSICA: …and yeah, that’s pretty much why my family is passionate about this.

YOU: Thanks, Jessica. Yes, that makes a lot of sense, especially the huge importance of the outdoors. Yeah. That connects. (introspective pause) Thanks again. Anyone want to go next? Or maybe build off of what Jessica said?

It’s not an earth-shattering facilitation move, but it’s important. Listen closely, and echo something, anything. Your participants will feel like they’ve said something that landed, that they’ve added to the discourse. 

These are particular tools of the weaver approach to facilitation. I speak more about different approaches to facilitation and some tips for facilitators in the demo video I created for the Verna Miller Case Symposium. Feel free to watch it here: https://deliberativecitizenship.org/demonstration-of-facilitation-styles/.

Filed Under: Blog Posts, Fellow Posts Tagged With: facilitation

Social Movements and the Logic of Non-Deliberative Collective Action

June 15, 2021 by Joshua Yesnowitz Leave a Comment

image of blocks spelling out the word change

By Joshua Yesnowitz, DCI Fellow

The final weeks of my Social Movements and Social Change (POL 239) class this past Spring semester were dedicated to a close reading of Daniel Gillion’s The Loud Minority: Why Protests Matter in American Democracy (2020). In the concluding chapter to this ambitious book about the electoral effects of protest marches and rallies, Gillion returns to a key lesson emphasized throughout our course: for advocacy efforts to be most impactful, movement organizers must understand the political landscape in which they are operating and seek to take advantage of the opportunities available within this constrained context. Regarding the contemporary environment in the US, Gillion (2020: 190) grants that “yes, protest is likely adding to our fears of becoming a more divided America because ideological protest does reinforce and even harden positions that we have on divisive issues.”

Rather than a lamentation about the state of public discourse, though, Gillion’s recognition focuses our attention on the purposes of protest activism in American life and how social movements – as intermediaries for communicating the grievances of constituencies who may lack support within institutional channels – must embrace non-deliberative collective action to achieve democratic aims. For example, the strategic message of “No Justice, No Peace” that one encounters at a Black Lives Matter march serves many functions. It is a demand for change; it is a demonstration of power; it is an expression of solidarity among allies; and it is a challenge to opponents. It is not a pursuit of common ground; it is not a call for moderation; and it is not an invitation for deliberation (although it might be a prelude to one, as discussed below).

This is not intended as a criticism; moreover, I think the slogan is particularly effective at advancing movement claims and in constructing a collective identity among the “politically disempowered.”[i] The broader point I wish to make is that this entirely appropriate framing of movement ideals (and the related tactics employed to realize these ideals) is often in tension with many of the aims of deliberation. Asserting that there are “beneficial effects of conflict,” scholar-activist Frances Fox-Piven maintains in a recent interview with The Nation that “polarization can be used as a tool for social change” and that one “distinctive contribution of movements” is to engage in “dissensus politics.”[ii]

This leaves us with a question: Is deliberation for everyone? In the remainder of this post, I draw upon the work of Sanders (1997) and Young (2001) to consider some activist arguments against deliberation and build upon the insights of Levine and Nierras (2007) and della Porta (2020) to offer a few ways in which deliberative processes are often useful for movement organizations and reflect upon how movement successes can (gradually and indirectly) address some of the serious concerns over mutual respect and exclusion inherent to the activist critique of deliberation.[iii]

Activist Skepticism of Deliberation

Social movement organizers must always calculate the consequences of their strategic choices. Any behavior which undermines the desired outcomes of increased public attention for the cause and greater policy responsiveness from policymakers should be avoided. To advance their interests, therefore, social movements sometimes adopt non-deliberative practices (including protesting, boycotting, sit-ins, demonstrations, striking, and public shaming) which directly pressure authorities, rather than promote deliberative approaches which might appear to activists to uphold the existing power structure. If politics is about acquiring power and gaining access to finite resources among competing interests, then conflict and confrontation are means to achieve movement goals.[iv] Once institutional power is achieved and respected, activists will possibly be more amenable to deliberative interactions, likely not because of some intrinsic reward to deliberation, but rather understood in transactional terms (i.e., the best way to further objectives at a specific stage of engagement).[v]

In addition to the interest group pluralist assessment of deliberation, some activists have also been suspicious of and/or alienated by the presumptions of a deliberative approach. In most cases, social movements speak on behalf of marginalized groups who have been excluded through formal political processes. Given these historical experiences, it is not surprising that a deliberative approach, with its “connotations of cautiousness and order,”[vi] would not necessarily be appealing to groups working toward challenging the status quo. The deliberative form, therefore, not only encourages certain types of discourse (e.g., radical alternatives would be less welcome than more ‘reasonable’ reform ideas), but also privileges particular styles of expressing one’s thoughts (i.e., ‘foresighted’ and ‘steady’ rather than ‘emotional’ or ‘uncivil’).[vii] This framework, according to this line of activist critique, results in some voices being more pronounced and more compelling than others “who are less likely to present their arguments in ways that we recognize as characteristically deliberative.”[viii]  The race, class, and gender implications of this assertion are quite clear: “Insidious prejudices,” Sanders (1997: 353) explains, “may incline citizens to hear some arguments and not others.” As the deliberation model is contingent upon mutual respect among participants, movement activists – being fully cognizant of explicit prejudices and implicit biases – may view this principle as aspirational, if not in many circumstances naïve, and would rightfully be hesitant to participate.[ix]

Another reason why activists might reject deliberation is because they believe there is nothing to gain by sharing a forum with those who espouse views that they deem unworthy of consideration (and at the potential risk of personal harm). Should deliberation proponents expect trans* rights activists, for example, to put themselves in a position of potentially having to justify their own humanity for the sake of hearing all sides of an issue? Activists will also argue that granting opponents a venue for conversation is already a concession, an undeserving form of legitimization for offensive speech.[x] The refusal to appear with advocates of certain ideas and/or to seek to prevent the dissemination of abhorrent views – often called no platforming (or deplatforming in other contexts) – is a non-deliberative practice that is explicitly endorsed by some groups.[xi]

Activist Contributions to, and Uses of, Deliberation

Based on these activist criticisms of deliberation, one would be inclined to negatively respond to the question posed above – Is deliberation for everyone?. If we reframe our locus of study, though, perhaps we can provide a more nuanced response. Movement activists aren’t categorically opposed to deliberation, but as Levine and Nierras (2007: 1) note, deliberative practices for many activists are appreciated “as part of a repertoire of democratic approaches, appropriate for some circumstances but not others.” In this final section, therefore, I identify ways in which deliberative aims already inform practices within movements and consider how social movement work can make the deliberation model more innovative and equitable.

In seeking to mobilize supporters and to target potential recruits, social movement activists may rely upon deliberative procedures internally and introduce ideas which are then later promoted within deliberative paradigms.[xii] From which frames are perceived to be most resonant to which tactics are strategically most effective, movements will often adopt horizontal decision-making structures which aim to build consensus among participants. Though not without its own serious failings (around issues of inclusion), one of the most dynamic and inspiring aspects of the Occupy Wall Street movement, for example, were the democratic conversations happening daily. Appropriating public spaces (a non-deliberative behavior) to discuss aspirations for the world in which they want to inhabit (a deliberative objective), Occupiers sought to use the encampment sites as prefigurative models of these ideals.

The “People’s Mic,” another tactical innovation of Occupy, highlights the deliberative disposition of listening. Born out of necessity when the NYPD barred amplification devices from the occupation in New York’s Zuccotti Park, activists were required to closely listen to all speakers at the General Assembly because those gathered nearest the stage would be compelled to repeat the speaker’s words so that all would be able to receive the message. In this process of recitation, voices became magnified and personal testimonials traveled a much greater distance than if the authorities had not enforced a no amplified sound policy.[xiii] Movements, more generally, may be usefully understood as deliberative idea generators.[xiv] Many deliberatively-oriented programs and practices – e.g., participatory budgeting, citizen assemblies, conversation agreements, and the progressive stack – were all initiated within movement contexts.[xv]

Finally (and most importantly), social movement activism may be a necessary precursor for equitable deliberation to occur. The success of past movement efforts, that is “distributing power to those traditionally excluded,”[xvi] creates the conditions for future deliberations where deliberators from all backgrounds are intentionally committed to mutual respect and inclusion.[xvii] Non-deliberative action, therefore, may be a logical pathway to pursue to achieve this deliberative ideal – a time when deliberation (in theory and in practice) can be for everyone.

 

* I am grateful to Graham Bullock for his thoughtful comments on an earlier iteration of this post.

[i] Abdullah, Karpowitz, and Raphael (2016: 5).

[ii] Engler (2021).

[iii] For further insights on these matters, see Beauvais (2020) and Smith (2020). I was introduced to these two readings via the Spring 2021 DCI Fellows cohort curriculum.

[iv] Levine and Nierras (2007: 10); Young (2001: 674).

[v] Motivations, of course, will differ due to the orientations and value commitments of any movement organization or individual activist. As is true in more institutional forms of politics, there will always be a diversity of approaches employed by and values prioritized within social movement communities.

[vi] Sanders (1997: 356).

[vii] Sanders (1997: 356).

[viii] Sanders (1997: 349).

[ix] It must be noted that the “difference critique” is not without its critics; scholars have offered empirical challenges (Hickerson and Gastil 2008) and more theoretical work (Neblo 2020) has focused on the “indispensable” role accorded to emotion in deliberative theory. In recent years, practitioners have developed deliberative guides that model “inclusion throughout the cycle of deliberative inquiry” (Maldonado 2017). 

[x] Levine and Nierras (2007: 9).

[xi] See Smith (2020: 17) on anti-fascist efforts to combat Alt-Right views by embracing an aggressive version of this approach. For the sake of brevity, I have only provided a few arguments advanced by activist critics of deliberation. A more exhaustive list of concerns is presented in Levine and Nierras (2007).    

[xii] Abdullah, Karpowitz, and Raphael (2016) describe the benefits of “enclave deliberations,” but locate their sites of interest as “organized community forums and political processes,” not movement spaces.

[xiii] On the power of testimonials, see Sanders (1997: 371).

[xiv] Della Porta (2020: 15).

[xv] On participatory democracy in social movements, more generally, see Polletta (2002).

[xvi] Levine and Nierras (2007: 11).

[xvii] On the “antecedents” to successful deliberation, see Beauvais (2020).

 

Works Cited

Carolyne Abdullah, Christopher F. Karpowitz, and Chad Raphael, “Affinity Groups, Enclave Deliberation, and Equity.” Journal of Public Deliberation 12:2 (2016), Article 6.

Edana Beauvais, “Deliberation and Non-Deliberative Communication.” Journal of Deliberative Democracy 16:1 (2020), 4-13.

Donatella della Porta, How Social Movements Can Save Democracy: Democratic Innovations from Below (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2020).

Mark Engler, “Frances Fox Piven Wants You to Raise Hell.” The Nation (5 May 2021), https://www.thenation.com/article/politics/frances-fox-piven-interview/.Daniel Q. Gillion, The Loud Minority: Why Protests Matter in American Democracy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2020).

Peter Levine and Rose Marie Nierras, “Activists’ Views of Deliberation.” Journal of Public Deliberation 3:1 (2007), Article 4.

Samantha Maldonado, “Inclusion Around the Cycle: Applying Strategies of Sufficient Inclusion

Throughout the Cycle of Deliberative Inquiry” (Colorado State University: Center for Public Deliberation, 2017), https://cpd.colostate.edu/wp-content/uploads/sites/48/2017/07/Around-the-Cycle-Maldonado.pdf.

Francesca Polletta, Freedom is an Endless Meeting: Democracy in American Social Movements (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2002).

Lynn M. Sanders, “Against Deliberation.” Political Theory 25:3 (June 1997), 347-376.

William Smith, “Deliberation in an Age of (Un)Civil Resistance.” Journal of Deliberative Democracy 16:1 (2020), 14-19.

Iris Marion Young, “Activist Challenges to Deliberative Democracy.” Political Theory 29:5 (October 2001), 670-690.

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